Tuesday, August 16, 2016

Owen Smith MP and austerity - an email exchange.


Attached is a brief email that I received from my MP Owen Smith in May of last year, just after the 2015 general election.

As the then convenor of the People’s Assembly Wales I had re-circulated an email from Adam Johannes about the Cardiff People’s Assembly and made an appeal to continue the fight against austerity and the Tories.

You can see that I received a brief response from Owen as follows:

“Dear Len,

Please take me off this email list. I can take no more.

Owen”

I was appalled at the time that my local MP would wish to be so dismissive about continuing the fight against austerity after the election, and to such an extent that he no longer wished to know about the PA in Wales. However, knowing the MP, I considered it par for the course and just filed it away.

The situation today is different. Owen Smith is standing against Jeremy Corbyn and claiming he is opposes to austerity, although has also been equivocal. Well in my book there is nothing equivocal about this email given the context he was responding to.

Given the shortness of the email it could leave it open to other interpretations and he was just fed up with the election result.

But so were we all: and as the People’s Assembly we were trying to help provide people a way of continuing to oppose austerity.

So should someone who now wishes to lead the Labour Party.


The email exchange:

RE: Peoples Assembly Wales: March on Saturday

12/05/2015 18:50

To: Len Arthur;

Dear Len,

Please take me off this email list. I can take no more.

Owen

From: Len Arthur [mailto:len.arthur@phonecoop.coop]
Sent: 11 May 2015 09:36
To: Left Unity Wales info; People's Assembly Wales
Subject: Peoples Assembly Wales: March on Saturday

Sorry for much cross posting but needs must

All

Please support everything in this email. We must continue to speak out, criticise and argue for a radical alternative to austerity on behalf of the majority of the population – no matter how they voted! – who will now be getting in the neck.

Well done to everyone for organising the demonstration on Saturday – it was just the act of defiance and unity that was needed to lift us all.

Will not succumb! We will keep the vision of a humane, equal and just society going and act to bring it into reality.

All the best

Len Arthur – People’s Assembly Wales convenor



Sent: Monday, May 11, 2015 3:42 AM
To: undisclosed-recipients:
Subject: March on Saturday

CARDIFF PEOPLE'S ASSEMBLY
END AUSTERITY NOW: COMMUNITY MARCH AGAINST THE TORIES
Demonstrate Saturday 16 May. Assemble at 1 pm, Aneurin Bevan Statue, Founder of NHS, Queen Street

"Whether you win or lose isn't the final determinant of whether it was worth fighting. You have to fight or you lose" - Tony Benn

We are ordinary people. We are like you: people, who get up every morning to study, work or find a job, people who are sick or housebound, people who have family and friends. People, who work hard every day to provide a better future for those around us....

We are all very concerned and angry about the new Tory government and the situation which we see around us -

- A million people forced to resort to food banks in the sixth richest economy in the world.
- One in four parents in Wales who have skipped meals for days so they can put food on the table for their children.
- People working long hours who still struggle to pay bills or rent because their employer is too greedy to pay a living wage.
- A housing crisis denying too many a stable secure affordable home.
- Poor and disabled people targeted by benefit cuts.
- Libraries, youth services, play centres and other community facilities being cut back and closed down.
A new government promising twice as many cuts this term including £12bn welfare cuts targeting the very poorest.

I could go on...

This situation has become normal, a daily suffering, without hope. But if we join forces, we can change it. It’s time to change things, time to build a better society together.

For all of the above, I am outraged.
I think I can change it.
I think I can help.
I know that together we can. I think I can help.
I know that together we can.

Please forward on this email and invite people. Bring friends, neighbours, and families. If you are a member of a community group, trade union, club, or any kind of network please get them involved. We're all in it together!

PEOPLE'S ASSEMBLY AGAINST AUSTERITY - NATIONAL (UK) DEMONSTRATION
The People's Assembly is calling a national demonstration in just 6 weeks time:

Tell the new government: End Austerity Now
National demonstration, Saturday 20 June
Assemble: 12pm, Bank of England

We will be organising buses there and back. Details to be confirmed soon.

WALES PETITION AGAINST AUSTERITY

Please sign and share our declaration. We can build it into a referendum on austerity in Wales


THE PEOPLE'S FILM CLUB
Thursday 28 May. The Abacus, Wood Street (across the road from the bus station)
Doors open 6pm. Screening starts 6.30 pm. Bring food to share.

Documentary screening: The Take: Occupy, Resist, Produce by Naomi Klein and Avi Lewis.

Join us for the second in our series of documentary film screenings around the theme of “Disobedience!”, exploring resistance movements around the world and throughout history

“The Take looks at Argentina after its spectacular economic collapse in 2001 when Latin America’s most prosperous middle class finds itself in a ghost town of abandoned factories and mass unemployment. In suburban Buenos Aires, thirty unemployed auto-parts workers walk into their idle factory, roll out sleeping mats and refuse to leave. All they want is to re-start the silent machines. But this simple act–the take–has the power to turn the globalization debate on its head.”

Come and watch the film and then discuss how we can organise now for social change and economic justice.

Adam Johannes
Co-Convenor
Cardiff People's Assembly
07940108146

UK Parliament Disclaimer: This e-mail is confidential to the intended recipient. If you have received it in error, please notify the sender and delete it from your system. Any unauthorised use, disclosure, or copying is not permitted. This e-mail has been checked for viruses, but no liability is accepted for any damage caused by any virus transmitted by this e-mail.

Wednesday, June 15, 2016

Vote remain to sustain higher and further education in Wales

As a retired academic I would like to to make a special plea for people to support higher and further education by voting to remain.


During my career I was involved in teaching in both sectors, had responsibilities in a business school, and was involved in the funding of higher education in Wales. In addition I was a trade union activist throughout, at all levels of my union including a UK negotiator.


Over that period of time this sector of education became increasingly international. Not just in relation to students but totally in relation to research. All academic disciplines and knowledge are now international.


In Wales higher and further education is a major employer, it is the among the largest 'industry’ and in many of our towns, makes a major contribution to new high value industries as well as being a world leader in key areas of research.


Being part of the EU has enabled the UK to play a full role in this process. Wales, as the rest of the UK, is highly integrated into systems of student and staff exchange, like ERASMUS. Overseas student income basically keeps many of our Welsh universities going.

Possibly even more significant is the E70bn EU 2014-20 research fund, one of the largest single projects of the EU, which integrates research endeavour across the EU and which in many areas, universities in Wales and the rest of the UK take the lead. Consequently, our universities draw down a significant part of this fund running at £836m alone in 2014-15. Outside the EU applications for this funding and to the European Research Council will become very difficult and UK universities will lose their leading role.


For higher and further education in Wales to continue to flourish for the sake of all of us, we have to be part of the EU.


Please don't allow our lead and this great potential to be put in jeopardy.



Tuesday, June 14, 2016

Overseas students and returning British citizens impact on UK migration

Overseas students and returning British citizens impact on UK migration

Len Arthur 14 June 2016

You may be surprised, as I was, when I first discovered that overseas students coming to the UK were considered as part of the migrant inflow figures. When I looked a bit deeper I also discovered that returning British citizens were also included in these figures.

Now this is not to argue that this shouldn’t happen. When counting something lines of definition have to be drawn somewhere and infinite graduations of meaning don’t help the maths. So this is not to suggest that the definition of who is a migrant is wrong or needs updating - though I think there may be a good case for this - it is just that raw data can look very different when seen from a qualitative view that social meanings do have graduations.

My surprise about both categories being included in the migrant definition was that I started out with a common assumption that migration meant someone from another country moving to another for a longish period of time for family or work reasons. Overseas students are in the UK to study for a defined period of time and make a major contribution to our education system, particularly universities, both in terms of income and intellectual input. If they go on to work here the UK reaps the benefit of this education. Again returning British citizens do not fall into the common assumption of a migrant being a person with citizenship of another country.

So, without making any changes in definition, it is possible to use current data to assess what impact it would have on the net migration figure to the UK, if we put to one side overseas students and British citizens as part of the migrant inflow to the UK.

First some basics. Migration to and from a country is assessed by taking account of total inflows and outflows over a period of time. The difference in the two figures is defined as net migration and tends to be the figure the debate homes in on ‘millions coming to the country’ etc.

Taking the 10 year period from 2006 to 2015, the latest information available, we have a total inflow figure of 5.770m coming to the UK. The total outflow figure is 3.478m making a total of net migration of 2.489m. This net figure is larger than if you do the calculation as adjustments were made following the 2011 census.

Now, of the total inflow figure of 5.770m 1.875m are overseas students, and 0.829m are returning British citizens. Adding the figures for overseas students and British citizens together we arrive at 2.704m for the 10 year period.

You can see where this is now going. If you follow the argument about putting to one side the categories of British citizens and overseas students we can set deduct the total of these two figures from the starting inflow figure of 5.770m. This results in a different inflow figure of 3.066m.
Using this adjusted inflow figure of 3,066m a different net migration figure can be arrived at. Total outflow of migrants from the UK over the same period is as quoted above 3.478m. Now the surprise, take this from the adjusted flow figure of 3,066m and the result is minus yes minus 0.412m.

Numbers are important in the arguments about migration but so is getting a human and qualitative understanding of what the figures mean. What these calculations indicate is that net migration to the UK is not what is commonly assumed either in numbers or in terms of people and we should be more critical of the case made by the right.

Hopefully, using existing data and not wild projections these calculations can help make the point.


Period covered is the ten years 2006 – 2015

Total net inflow of migrants                    5.770m
Inflow adjusted for BS+OS                     - 2.704m       
=3.066m
Minus total outflow                                -3.478m
Net flow of migrants to UK as result        - 0.412m



Monday, June 6, 2016

Taking back real control

Take back control – what a good idea.

Ukip won’t be please but I’ve been converted!

Starting with the

Nationalisation of...
The banks
The railways
Water, electricity and all the privatised public utilities
BT
Royal mail and the post office
Restrict media ownership to 15% of the market, democratise the BBC.
Bring all schools back into local authority control and abolish charitable status on public schools.
All land except personal dwelling houses
Cancel all PFI type contracts and all privatisations of the NHS
State support for all forms of cooperative start ups and succession takeovers
Of course the list should go on, but you get the drift.
And of course control and governance shared between workers, consumers and the state

Real democracy...
The European Parliament to have powers to initiate legislation and a veto of the decisions of the Council of Ministers and the ECB
The renegotiation of the Treaty of Lisbon to remove all neo liberal and anti social elements
British General election at least every three years
Abolition of the House of Lords
Power and resources returned to local authorities
Immediate introduction of the most representational form of proportional voting
The first ever British constitution based upon the European Convention of Human rights and establishing a republic and equal powers to devolved assemblies and parliaments

Democratic social emancipation...
Removal of anti trade union legislation and the establishment of the constitutional right to strike and to have collective recognition in all workplaces
The absolute right to be employed with at least a fair wage and all workers to have a legally enforceable negotiated contract
A progressive system of taxation which is aimed at redistribution so there is at least only a 1 to 3 ratio between lowest income household and the top

Well you can add to the list but this is taking back control with a real purpose: putting you and me in democratic control of the centres of power so we can invest for needs of people and the planet, not profit.

Oh, it isn’t what UKIP, the bosses and the Leavers mean – I thought so.

I’ll just have to vote remain and continue to join up with workers across Europe who support really taking back power.


Thursday, June 2, 2016

The European Left and Left Unity – what’s it all about?

The European Left and Left Unity – what’s it all about?

Len Arthur – LU Wales

Left Unity is an international political party. We are socialists as our aim is to end capitalism, and we recognise that we have to fight for this transformation at an international and national level; both are terrains of struggle and are interlinked. It is not possible to prioritize one over the other.

Our first step in taking this aim forward has been to join the Party of the European Left (EL) as an observer member. From the current year we have been sending two delegates to EL meetings and delegates will be attending the fifth congress in Berlin in December.

This article provides a brief overview of the EL, its politics, how it works and what it is like being a participant.

Background

The EL was formed in 2004 over two separate conferences first in Berlin then in Rome. Talks about establishing a radical left and green alliance had started in 1998 between communist, socialist and green parties from across Europe, in part influenced by changes in Russia and East Europe, the communist parties and the coming together of the European Social Forum.

The link to the founding document with the full aims follows but here is a key part which reflects closely those of Left Unity.

“Therefore we refer to the values and traditions of the socialist, communist and labour movement, of feminism, the feminist movement and gender equality, of the environmental movement and sustainable development, of peace and international solidarity, of human rights, humanism and antifascism, of progressive and liberal thinking, both nationally and internationally. We work together in the tradition of the struggles against capitalist exploitation, ecological destruction, political oppression and criminal wars, against fascism and dictatorship, in resistance to patriarchal domination and discrimination against "others".”


In the European Parliament the European Left Unity/Nordic Green Alliance (GUE/NGL) existed in various forms before the foundation of the EL, evolving from a Communist and Allies group and first using the GUE bit of the name from 1989. http://www.guengl.eu/group/history and from 1995 the NGA became part of the group.

Following the 2014 European Elections 52 MEPs are now part of this group, including 27 from parties of the European Left. The group includes Podemos and Sinn Fein and here is a full list:  http://www.guengl.eu/group/delegations 

The EL currently

Membership of the EL is currently made up of 32 parties covering 23 different European countries with another 15 parties under consideration for membership. Left Unity is one of these 32 member parties and the only one from the UK. We are ‘observer’ members which although we are defined as ‘consultants’ means that we have full participation rights, except at the level of the Council of Chairpersons.

Not all parties who a members of the EL are from countries that are part of the EU such as Turkey, Moldova and Belorussia. Here is a list of the parties but it is a little out of date:  http://www.european-left.org/about-el/member-parties.

Collective individual membership of the EL is around 500,000. There are considerable variations across countries so in the UK as Left Unity we have around 1250 members whereas the two EL affiliated parties in Spain have around 107,000. Individual membership figures are important as they indicate the number of activists across Europe that can be mobilised in campaigns, solidarity and struggles at the national and international level.

Political influence can in part be gauged through votes. In the national election taking place in 2014 - 15 EL parties had around 11m not including those for other parties in the GUE/NGL group of MEPs. In terms of direct action, in France, the CGT trade union which is closely allied to EL member the French Communist Party, is taking a leading role in the direct action against the proposed anti labour legislation and other austerity measures.

Theoretical developmen is coordinated through Transform which is funded by the various political research foundations of EL parties, such a the Rosa Luxemburg foundation in Germany. http://www.transform-network.net/home.html. Kate Hudson and Felicity Dowling of Left Unity have both had articles in recent Transform publications.

EL’s latest political statement from 2013

“For us, there is no question of waiting for the European Union to crumble, and for the monsters that could emerge from the rubble, nor of promoting nationalist solutions setting the peoples against one another. The European Left, which we represent, is internationalist and stands together in solidarity. We strive towards a socialist alternative, a civilisation freed from capitalism, exploitation, oppression and capitalist violence. Ours is a vision that guarantees not only a distribution of wealth that supports work and an advanced social and economic development model, but also democracy, equality, democratic and social rights for all European citizens.

It is to this end that we fight for a re-foundation of Europe, in other words, for a new definition of its objectives, policies and structures; an economic, productive, social and ecological model that is totally different, and that is based on solidarity, social justice and popular sovereignty.”


It is worthwhile reading through the statement as there is much to give heart to someone who supports the argument that another Europe is possible, especially when the organizational size and scope of the EL and the GUE/NGL is taken into account.

Within the European Parliament the GUE/NGL has taken positions and made proposals which go some way toward putting this political statement into action:


Next steps

A new political statement is currently under development heading toward the Berlin conference in December 2016.

As Left Unity we have been fully involved in the process of developing this statement and the action and campaigning priorities that will follow from it. I was one of the elected LU delegates to a recent meeting of the EL executive board in Porto toward the end of April. Here is the report of that meeting that I produced for LU. It provides what I would like to think is an insight into current policy and campaigning concerns of the EL as well as a ‘feel’ for how it all really works: http://chwithunedigcymru.blogspot.co.uk/2016/05/report-of-party-of-european-left.html.

Developing this political statement is not straightforward and the acceptance of the austerity programme by the Greek Syriza government was a defeat, having very serious consequences for the Greek people and on how, as socialists, we see a social transformation from capitalism taking place. The EL is prepared to have that debate but it is yet to take place.

Conclusion

We argue as Left Unity that ‘another Europe is possible’ and for a remain vote in the referendum. We argue that case whilst being very critical of the EU.  We don’t believe in pipe dreams or grand rhetoric but in working with socialists across Europe, taking real steps toward this aim. It is hoped that this article can help provide some confidence that this can and will happen.

Left Unity, being a member of the EL, is central to our argument.



Sunday, April 3, 2016

The EU debate: for a yes vote and internationalism - written November 2015

The EU debate: for a yes vote and internationalism

Len Arthur – LU South Wales branch

The Left Unity conference will be discussing the position to take in the European referendum. This is a contribution to that debate, arguing that we should support a yes vote. It builds upon the points made by Felicity Dowling and Luke Cooper on this website a few months ago.

A considerable discussion has started across the left on this issue and two of the better contributions have been made in the International Socialism Journal issue 148 as a debate between John Palmer the European editor of the Guardian and Alex Callinicos editor of ISJ.

Both articles provide a detailed historical background on the evolution of the EU and are worth consulting for this alone. The article by Callinicos has the following key statement, making the proposal that the struggle at the national level should be prioritised, it is that position this contribution seeks to challenge:

“Strategically the problem is that since the 1980s, but more especially as a result of the eurozone crisis, a Europe-wide neoliberal regime is being constructed. Breaking that is most likely to happen at national level. To make successful resistance dependent on a coordinated movement at the EU level is to postpone that resistance indefinitely. The process of uneven and combined development implies that struggles are most likely to succeed at national level but can then be generalised.

Dialectically, then, for internationalism to advance there have to be breakthroughs at the national level.”

There is a general level of agreement among socialists that the problems posed by capitalism require an international level solution, the debate, it seems is how best to get to the position to make that challenge and carrying through transformation.

The EU terrain of struggle

Historically the EU has been a post 1945 project primarily for the interests of capital. In the previous 60 or 70 years before that date capital, faced with increasing international competition, often sought to ally with nation states to secure its competitive interests: securing home markets and worker compliance, whilst supporting imperial policies to secure markets beyond the reach of the particular nation state. State capitalism remains a useful way of describing this process and period.

The Second World War confirmed the emergence of world domination by the US economy, ?a trend which was strengthened by the outcome of the First World War. Faced with state capitalist regimes in Eastern Europe - with a different historical root to those in the west - and US domination, European capital realised that the size of western European states, weakened economies and blocked imperial expansion required a different form of state capitalism: one based on a closer cooperation across state boundaries. Surprisingly, given their political backgrounds John Palmer and Alex Callinicos in their different ways, describe this history by avoiding using the idea of state capitalism.

As all of us on the left seem to agree, the EU is a capitalist and even imperial project. However, as with all expansions of capital, which still does require the cooperation of workers who produce the wealth, there is a unifying social flipside which potentially provides the source of an internationally challenging contradiction. It is this feature which is widely ignored by many socialist commentaries.

First, possibly due to the need to have social and Christian democrat cooperation in the European parliament and at the council of ministers to make the EU work, a range of measures and reforms have been adopted that seek to ameliorate the social consequences of some market forces. The Charter of the Fundamental Rights of the EU, its incorporation of the European convention of human rights and legal back up through the work of the court of justice of the European union as well as development through the European parliament, is one outcome, as are the various financial support programmes for regions, areas of deprivation, support for certain economic sectors and the huge £77 billion research fund. These measures have specific benefits at workplace and local level such as on working hours, agency workers and freedom of movement; on basic investment in places such as Wales and in over £7 billion that comes to UK higher education.

Of course these measures are under pressure from the dominant neo liberal pressure of EU policy but, nevertheless, they are international reforms socialists should defend as we defend other reforms on a national basis. They provide a basis for mobilisation.

Second, as socialists, we recognise that the problems of capitalism are international and can only have international solutions. The existence of the EU means that as its policies operate across national boundaries so the challenges faced by the working class constantly have international dimensions which provide opportunities for solidarity and action on this basis. The fight against austerity in Greece, and now Portugal, is much more obviously our fight as being part of the EU than if we were outside. Similarly the politics of right wing governments in Hungary and Poland require to be challenged as much as our own UK government for the same reason.

The European Left: the socialist organisation that no one mentions

Left Article after left article on the EU makes reference to the need for an international struggle, often with vague reference to possibilities such as in the recent Red Pepper article by Leigh Phillips.

Hello, smell the coffee! A socialist organisation that is linking campaigning and politics across the EU and wider, does actually exist: the European Left (EL). Here is a policy statement agreed at the EL conference last year stating why it is central for there to be an international opposition to neo liberalism and austerity, together with a programme of campaigning demands and including alternatives.

The EL is composed of 21 European parties and through the European United Left / Nordic Green Left (GUE/NGL) has 51 MEPs. With the Green MEPs with whom they regularly cooperate, they are the third largest section in the European Parliament. Left Unity now has observed membership of the EL.

The last EL congress policy statement, referred to above, covers the ground that most socialists could support. This is not so much the case with some specific decisions such as the lack of criticism of the final deal reached by Syriza. However, centrally it argues that another radical and democratic Europe is possible and thus provides an international basis for socialists to debate and agree what this means and how we can act to make it happen.

The existence of the EL adds an absolutely key dimension to the referendum debate, particularly in challenge the right. UKIP, and the like, attempt to frame the debate in terms of the UK and people taking back power almost as a form of liberation. This becomes the peg on which to hang populist policies such as scapegoating migrants and refugees for causing all the problems experienced by workers: low wages, housing, NHS queues, unemployment - even motorway traffic jams.

Of course, as with all populist arguments they are opportunist and hypocritical, as the taking back of power the UK right are really after is the freedom to dump all the social charter and introduce even more attacks on workers, exacerbating all the problems they seek to champion.

Having an internationalist alternative programme and strategy which addresses how these problems are related to the failures of capitalism and their neo liberal policies, backed up with a real international political organisation, provides a direct and internationally based challenge to the right and their nationalistic populism. Ignoring this possibility, as many on the left are doing, at best weakens the internationalist case and, at worst, plays into the hands of nationalist populism.

And at the very worse, if Brexit happened and the neo liberal right have the free reign they are after, socialist who argued the exit case will be saddled with that responsibility. Hair splitting over nuances of difference and meaning will be a very poor fig leaf.

Personal plea

The history of the UK is inextricably linked to world history and in particular, Europe. The development of capitalism and the various forms of imperialism over the last 400 years have accelerated this process. The last 100 years have seen two European wars of utter annihilation, which are of also part of a world conflict. Like nearly every other family I know, mine and that of my partner’s have been scarred by the deaths and experiences of these conflicts. The consequential wars have continued since 1945. Working class support for these wars was justified and won in nationalist terms, weakening the solidarity and international links that may have prevented them and challenged capitalism at the same time. This was, let us not forget, the key failure of the second international. That nationalism continues to undermine us, with potential fatal co consequences.

Conclusion

It is not dealing with this reality to argue that a UK or perhaps just an English answer to the problems posed by capitalism and imperialism exists. Just as states cannot abstract themselves from the world, neither can we as socialists and as a working class: we have to engage on an international basis within the terrain of struggle we find ourselves: unlike Callinicos, as socialist we need to organise and fight on both national and international fronts, not prioritise one against the other.

Not to do so when the chance actually exists could set back the socialist case in the UK for a generation. We have to argue for a yes vote to continue with the internationalist struggle; to argue that another Europe is indeed possible and to point to the programme and existence of the EL to show how it could happen.


Friday, April 1, 2016

Pontyclun Hub - a review of the EU debate so far.

EU referendum briefing for the Pontyclun Facebook Hub

Len Arthur

Recently there was a long string on the Pontyclun Hub about voting in the EU referendum. It was started by a post that was rightly pointed out, by others, not to be correct, however a huge range of points were raised. As part of the discussion I volunteered to produce some background information and references to help the debate running up to the referendum on 23 June. This will be posted on my personal blog and can be updated in response to comments and questions during that time.

It is a personal work and cannot avoid being influenced by my academic background and personal commitment to internationalism and a yes vote. I’ve tried to be rounded in the comments but clearly it is not possible to be totally impartial. This should be countered by the document being in the public forum and can be added to as the debate progresses.

I’ve been through all the comments and pulled out what seem to be the key issues raised by people so far:

1. Migration

Hub comments

Concerns: asylum seekers; Turkey; pressure on services; pressure on our ‘civilization’ ‘culture’ ‘society’ ‘being overrun’; undermines conditions, jobs, benefits; security.

Benefits: free movement good for all; freedom to travel; existing agreements lost; migrants benefit economy; what is the future for of British people living in other EU countries?; Turkey not being fast tracked; talk of subjective factors racist.

Numbers

Net migration – is the difference between people who leave the UK for more than a year against those who come in for more than for a year. The latest confirmed figures are for 2014 and these show a 641,000 inflow against a 323,000 outflow so a net migration of 318,000.
Putting these figures in proportion - the population of the UK in 2015 was 64,680m so 318,000 represents an increase of 0.5%.
The net figure for 2014 is the highest for 10 years but during that time has been as low as 163,000.
In 2014 193,000 came for study purposes and 284,000 for work and 83,000 were UK citizens returning. So of the 641,000 inflow 276,000 were students or returning UK citizens.
50% of migrants only intend to stay for 1-2 years.
Migration from the EU accounts for 42% of the inflow. 46% of non EU migrants were for study.

24,914 claimed asylum in 2014.

The latest information shows that the UK population is composed of 13.1% foreign born and 8.5% non British citizens.
By contrast in New Zealand 25.2% of the population are foreign born and is one of the most ethnically diverse countries in the world.

In contrast about 5.5 million British citizens live abroad, around 10% of the current UK population, many taking advantage of the freedoms to live in Europe with over 750,000 in Spain alone.

It seems in terms of the numbers it is important to see the issue in proportion and that if students and returning British citizens are taken into account there is a smaller net inflow of migrants. Most come to work or study and there is a high turnover with around half leaving again after two years. The freedom to migrate cuts both ways with the equivalent of 10% of the UK population choosing to live and work in another country.


Migration Economic costs and benefits

It is very difficult to come to any definitive short conclusions but most evidence points to a plus benefit of just under 1%.

A more HMRC report shows that EU migrants more than pay their way. Those who arrived in Britain in the last four years paid £2.54bn more in income tax and national insurance than they received in tax credits or child benefit in 2013-14. 
https://www.gov.uk/government/statistics/tax-contribution-of-recently-arrived-eea-nationals-for-2013-to-2014

However, in the longer term the Office of Budget Responsibility in its most recent estimates, proposes that higher migration will make a large contribution to the reduction of the public sector deficit.

Pressure on services

Public services are under pressure across the UK due to Government austerity policies. These cuts are affecting all areas of the UK and are the main source of the problems of provision.

0.5% of NHS spending is on overseas visitors – those from the EU balanced by reciprocal payments arrangements. As argued by the King’s Fund the contribution of trained medical staff from overseas more than outweighs any costs.

Housing provision is in crisis due to the way the private sector fails to provide sufficient homes to meet the demand and social housing to fill the gap is discouraged by government policy.  Migrants’ experience of housing is the same as UK citizens in the long run. In the short term they rely on rented accommodation.

Benefits - foreign born migrants as a proportion of the UK workforce receive less out of work benefits but more in tax credits - but see next section. This largely relates to EU residents as stronger restrictions apply to people from outside the EU.


It also cuts both ways - with UK workers receiving benefits in the EU

Jobs, pay and conditions

Foreign national workers make up 10.5% of the workforce in 2014.
Most are in low skill occupations and live in areas with the lowest levels of unemployment.
A new report from the LSE shows that migration had little affect on wage levels compared to other factors: http://www.theguardian.com/money/2016/may/11/eu-migrants-had-no-negative-effect-on-uk-wages-says-lse
http://www.theguardian.com/politics/2016/may/20/reality-check-are-eu-migrants-really-taking-british-jobs
Employer pressures to cut costs through wages, conditions and job opportunities exist all the time. The most pressing issue is thus ensuring all workers have protection not blaming migrants.
A real living wage - not a re-named minimum wage - should be made a legal requirement; trade unions should be given back the protection to strike and organise; and enforcement of this actually take place.
Legal protection at work supported and aided by EU law and regulation significant employment rights gains that continue to accrue to UK workers as a result of our EU membership. These are wide ranging in scope, including access to paid annual holidays, improved health and safety protection, rights to unpaid parental leave, rights to time off work for urgent family reasons, equal treatment rights for part-time, fixed-term and agency workers, rights for outsourced workers, and rights for workers’ representatives to receive information and be consulted, particularly in the context of restructuring: https://www.tuc.org.uk/sites/default/files/UK%20employment%20rights%20and%20the%20EU.pdf
This is what is happening now:
And

Turkey

Talks have been re-opened for Turkey to join the EU and have a long way to go.
Easier visa restriction talks have also started and could take some time.
Visa arrangements already operate of course - check for yourself:

Security

The UK is not part of the Schengen agreement on open borders for EU citizens. The argument that our border controls and security are weak was countered in the article below, pointing out that the UK carries out security checks on all people entering the UK and has turned 6000 away since 2010. As ever the issue of why terrorism takes place and what can be done cannot be reduced to issues around border controls.

Subjective issues

Concepts of ‘civilisation’ ‘culture’ ‘society’ are subjective and difficult to define in an agreed way. They overlap with people’s understanding of their personal identity which is subject to change and can be contradictory. We should be careful therefore, of ascribing fixed attributes to other individuals and groups of people. When associated with terms such as being ‘overrun’ by others to whom these concepts have been ascribed in this way it opens the door to being racist:
We should be very careful in using these terms and clearly define what we mean when we do so.

2. Costs and benefits of EU membership

HUB comments
Concerns: it costs us too much; money get back is ours; not spending on EU will mean less cuts; protect steel; big enough economy go by ourselves
Benefits: general economic growth; Wales has benefitted; no evidence Government  will spend instead of cut; economic dangers in leaving.


UK EU payments and returns

Our current 2016/17 gross contribution to the EU is £18.4bn. However our current net contribution following rebates and redistribution of funds to the public sector - like Welsh Government - leaves a figure of £9.4bn or around 0.5% of the UKs annual gross domestic product (GDP).

In Wales we receive around an additional £700m per year from the EU over and above the budget allocated by the UK government.

There are also other returns which may not be included in the public sector payments. For example one of the largest spending items of the EU is on research. Horizon 2020 is the EU research and innovation budget of E79bn.
British Universities pulled down £687m for research and innovation in 2013, a figure that is growing and other sums are pulled down to fund their international work. This is vital as all knowledge is now global.
The employers organisation the CBI, also points to other benefits and additional economic growth that are not so obvious.
There are different views on the extent of these wider benefits
http://blogs.channel4.com/factcheck/factcheck-britain-sending-350m-week-brussels/21733
The House of Commons Treasury Select Committee is currently reviewing all the evidence so currently we have to make our own judgements.
Perhaps we should take into account the reports that the referendum is already adversely affecting investment and the exchange value of the pound as an indicator of what might follow during the two years of negotiations that would follow a no vote?

Big enough economy to go by ourselves?
 ‘Ours’ is an interesting term as over 50% of the shares in Britain’s biggest companies are foreign owned - giving huge control over the distribution of profits and future investment. That situation will remain whether we were in or out of the EU and will have a key effect on future investment decisions, flows of finance in our import and export balance of payments.

The only way this could become ‘ours’ is through nationalisation and democratic control.

Our dangerously wide deficit on imports and exports raises questions about how successful our economy really is.

Return of the EU payments would also mean a loss of the money flowing back - so the net figure of around £9.4bn is what is at stake and we probably see back some of that as well. This is 0.5% of GDP and about 13% of the current UK deficit of spending between tax income and public spending. With a Government determined to ‘roll back’ the state and having problems of their own making in covering the deficit, they are very unlikely to use any additional money on public spending. That would need a change of government.


3. Democracy and power

HUB comments
Concerns: rule by Brussels not UK - % of EU laws; elected governments overruled e.g. Greece; too much bureaucracy; MEP gravy train; voted for trade agreement not EU; we obey, they don’t;

Benefits: Human rights legislation e.g. privacy battle; redistribution to less rich areas; % of EU laws small. Elected MEPs.

EU democracy - basics

The Treaty of Lisbon is the fundamental document of the EU, virtually the constitution.

Council of EU - composed of the elected ministers from each EU country ‘Voice of EU member governments, adopting EU laws and coordinating EU policies’. Together with the European Parliament the main decision making body.
Presidency of the Council - is held by each EU country on a 6 month rotating basis.

European Parliament - composed of 751 directly elected MEPs. Wales has four. Elections are held every five years - the last ones were in 2014. It passes laws together with the Council of Ministers on proposals from the European Commission. It cannot initiate its own legislation. President of the Parliament is elected by the MEPs. It elects the President of the Commission and approves the Commission as a body.

The European Commission is the politically independent executive of the EU - it proposes and enforces legislation and policies. Run by a President elected by MEPs - currently Jean-Claude Juncker - together with 28 Commissioners from each of the member states with specific areas of responsibility.

Court of Justice of the European Union - ensures EU law is interpreted and applied the same way in all EU countries and ensures EU countries and institutions abide by EU law. It applies only to the 28 members countries and is composed of judges from each EU country. http://europa.eu/about-eu/institutions-bodies/court-justice/index_en.htm

The Court of Justice is the last resort court for cases brought under the European Charter of Fundamental Rights.

European Court of Human Rights is quite separate from the above, covering 47 countries, has a longer history and is responsible for enforcing the European Convention of Human Rights.

The EU is directly accountable to elected representatives from each of the 28 countries both in terms of ministers and MEPs. Civil servants and Commissioners are employed proportionately to member countries. Both courts above involve judges from all member countries. Accountability and democracy does exist but could be much improved, for example MEPs could have the right to initiate legislation; there could be much more openness in decision making and the Treaty of Lisbon will need changing to allow more bottom up democracy and social as opposed to economic legislation.

UK democracy and the EU

Estimates of the proportions of UK law affected by the EU vary between 6.3% - 84% it all depends on what kind of laws you are talking about. Completely new Acts of of the UK Parliament include the lowest proportion of direct effect of EU legislation.

Democracy and accountability works both ways, with the UK having democratic representation in Europe as can be seen above.

For many the European Convention of Human Rights and the European Charter of Fundamental Rights are seen as a beneficial outcome of the experiences of the first and second world wars. Some of the basic rights such as a ban on capital punishment and the rights to free speech, privacy and association, including the specific right to join and be involved in a trade union come from these organisations. See the reference above.

It is difficult to estimate what is too much regulation or bureaucracy. It often depends on what you wish to see happen. The EU limitation on mobile phone roaming charges in the EU would probably be widely supported whereas the working time directive might not be. Animal welfare and public health requirements again would generally be supported but require considerable enforcement and inspection.

Trade agreements all involve restrictions and limitation on the UK government; see the debate over the TTIP (Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership).
Norway and Switzerland are not part of the EU but have to abide by the trade agreement restrictions without any democratic recourse through elected or ministerial representation.

It is difficult to be definitive about the UK abiding by EU rules and others not. The rebate of the UK payment to the EU would probably be seen by other countries as us not playing the game. It is probably the case that Britain could make a stronger case and push harder in the EU but that depends on commitment for it to work.

It is generally acknowledged that MEPs and employees of the Commission are well rewarded. Personally this has never bothered me as it provides a benchmark for all of us to argue for.

Finally of Greece, as well as Italy, Portugal, Spain and Ireland where democratically elected governments were forced to accept austerity cuts, hitting workers hard in order to save the Euro and the banking system. The inability of the EU to deal with the human refugee crisis is another example of the humane treatment of people not being put first.

Both these situations go to the heart of the dynamic tensions that exist within the EU and the Treaty of Lisbon: an organisation established to support private business and come to terms with international competition whilst at the same time try to bring along the population with democracy and social benefits. At times of crisis banks and business comes first and nations retreat into nationalism.

Personally I would argue that we should work with people across the EU to put people first and argue to improve democracy as an antidote to nationalism. The vote on the EU is not really something that is either this or that but what is the best way of achieving the changes we all think are required. For me it is about pushing back the market and the rich and increasing our power through democracy and not nationalism.

Finally a personal plea that relates to points made about the first and second world wars:

"The history of the UK is inextricably linked to world history and in particular, Europe. The development of capitalism and the various forms of imperialism over the last 400 years have accelerated this process. The last 100 years have seen two European wars of utter annihilation, which are of also part of a world conflict. Like nearly every other family I know, mine and that of my partner’s have been scarred by the deaths and experiences of these conflicts. The consequential wars have continued since 1945. Working class support for these wars was justified and won in nationalist terms, weakening the solidarity and international links that may have prevented them and challenged capitalism at the same time. This was, let us not forget, the key failure of the second international. That nationalism continues to undermine us, with potential fatal co consequences."


This is taken from a longer article I wrote giving my position last November:

An internationalist argument to vote yes.